Stop Calling It Supremacy — It’s Terrorism | Part 5: The Compound in Black Womanhood

In Chapter 5 of the series, Chisom turns to what the operating system does when it compounds. The claim is that compounding is multiplicative, not additive: when rac!sm meets patriarchy meets ant!-Blackness, the result is not the sum of three harms but a third condition that neither rac!sm nor patriarchy alone because it produces a structural position so specific that the dominant analyses of either race or gender systematically fail to see it.

It names m!sogynoir, Moya Bailey’s 2010 term for the specific contempt that is neither generic m!sogyny nor generic ant!-Blackness, and Patricia Hill Collins’s controlling images, the Mammy, the Jezebel, the Sapphire, the Welfare Queen, the Strong Black Woman trap, as the apparatus by which the compound is administered. It ties the compound back to the series’ through-line: the point where rac!sm, patriarchy, and ant!-Blackness converges on a single body is where white terror!sm does its most concentrated work.

It traces a lineage fifty years deep and three continents wide, from the Combahee River Collective in 1977, bell hooks in 1981, Hortense Spillers in 1987, Kimberlé Crenshaw who coined intersectionality in 1989, and Patricia Hill Collins in 1990, to the African and Brazilian Black feminist traditions of Oyěwùmí, Amadiume, Mama, Carneiro, and Gonzalez. It names the adultification of Black girls, the Georgetown research showing that adults perceive Black girls as less innocent and more adult beginning at age five, and the five mechanisms of the assault on Black girlhood. It documents the compound in 2026 across five sites: the US economic compound, the political-violence compound in Brazil with the February 2026 Supreme Court conviction of Marielle Franco’s killers, the gender-based-violence compound in South Africa with the November 2025 national disaster declaration, the postcolonial-state compound across Africa with its child-marriage and economic-exclusion data, and the compound carried by Black queer and trans women.

It handles five predictable critiques. It closes by turning Chisom’s Three Clarities framework directly toward Black women: refuse the controlling images, see the system as it is, and build your own tables without waiting for a system that may not change in your lifetime. 

Transcript

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When the harm of racism meets the harm of patriarchy meets the harm of anti blackness, the result is not the sum of three harms. It is something different, something multiplied, something that has produced a structural position so specific that the dominant analysis of either race or gender systematically fails to see it. Black women remain the most under-appreciated, undercared for, and underprotected group of women in the world. Malcolm X said something close to this in 1962 about the United States. The line has not been retired. It has only been globalized. And yet, black women continue to show up for everyone else. Most black women are predictable in that they will always stand up for what is right. They will show up politically to vote for justice. They will hold up a world that continues to not see them. Black women know that when things get bad, it gets worse for them. I believe the comedian Trevor Noah said this in his departing speech years ago. In the United States in 2025, black women earned 66 cents for every dollar paid to white men. White women earned 81 cents. Black men earned roughly 73 cents. The gap between black women and white women is not the gender gap. The gap between black women and black men is not the race gap. Black women fall through both analysis and the place where they fall is the subject of this episode. More than 300,000 black women in the United States have lost their jobs since the beginning of 2025. The glass ceiling that has been named for white women, the concrete ceiling that has been named for women of color in corporate research, does not describe what black women face. What black women face is a wall. They can rarely exhale in a world that does not see them as soft, a world that extracts from them just as quickly and as mercilessly as it calls them aggressive for stating what in the white woman would be called passionate. In Africa, the story is structural in a different shape. Africa has the highest rate of female entrepreneurship in the world. African women make up 58% of the continent's self-employed population. They run roughly 70% of informal cross-border trade. They contribute 13% of the continent's gross domestic products. When a woman is educated, the return compounds. She elevates her household, the health of her children, the schooling of her daughters, the income of her entire lineage. And yet, in twenty twenty four, female-led startup on the continent received two percent of all African startup funding, forty eight million dollars to women, two point two billion to men. gender gap is 30%, six points wider than the global average. The work is being done by the women, the recognition, the financing, and the protection, are almost non-existence. in the United Kingdom black African women earn nine point three percent less than white British workers. And black women die in pregnancy and the postpartum period at nearly three times the rate of white women. In London, the ethnicity pay gap reaches 23.8%, the highest in the country. Diane Abbott, the first black woman elected to the British Parliament in 1987, and still the longest serving black member of that body, 45% of all the abusive tweets. Directed at women MPs in the run-up to the 2017 election, according to Amnesty International's research. In 2024, a Conservative Party donor was reported to have said Abbot should be shot, and that looking at her made him want to hate all black women. This is one black woman in one country. The pattern is everywhere. I'm Chisom Udeze and this is Overnight Wisdom. This episode is part of a series on the system I call white terrorism rather than white supremacy. And it stands on its own. So if this is the first one you are hearing, you will not be lost So let's jump in. I wanna talk about the impact of compounding harm on black women. My claim that compounding is multiplicative is structural, not arithmetic. The misogyny applied to black women is not the misogyny applied to white women applied to a black body. It is its own technology. The racism applied to black women is not the racism applied to black men applied to a female body. It is its own technology. The compound is what this technology uses when they meet. Misogynoir is the cleanest example. Moya Bailey coined the term in 2010 to name the specific contempt for black women that operates as neither generic misogyny nor generic anti-blackness, but on its own a cultural production. The angry black woman trope is misogynoir There is no parallel angry white woman trope of the same cultural weight. And no parallel angry black man trope in the same register. The mammy archetype is misogynoir The Jezebel archetype is misogynoir. The sapphire, the welfare queen, the strong black woman trap that demands and then punishes its as - unfeminine are all misogynoir Hill Collins in Black Feminist Thoughts in 1990 called this controlling images. They are an apparatus that does structural work. They tell employers the kind of worker a black woman is. They tell juries the kind of defendant she is. They tell doctors what type of patient she is. They tell schools what kind of a student a black girl is before she enters the classroom. The controlling image is the technology by which the compound is administered. I also want connect this to the arguments the rest of the series has been building because the compound is not a separate phenomenon from the system I have been naming. is instead that system concentrated. in the first episode I argued that what we call white supremacy is accurately called white terrorism and that it required patriarchy to function because you cannot run a system of domination without a hierarchy to run it through. In the last episode, so in episode four, I argued that racism is the operating system that white terrorism builds and that anti-blackness is its foundational case. The compound is what happens at the point where racism, patriarchy, and anti-blackness converge on a single body. That point is where white terrorism does its most concentrated work and it hides it most completely because the woman standing at that point is the exact person the racial analysis is trained to read as a man, and the gender analysis is trained to read as white. She disappears in the gap between the two. The compound is the gap occupied. The numbers tell the same structural story. The Institute for Women's Policy Research has projected, based on the current rate of progression, that pay equity for black women in the United States will not arrive until the year 2227. In English, 201 years from now, six generations. current rate of progress is not a rate of progress for black women. black women are not on a trajectory towards equity. They are on a trajectory that flattens before it gets there. So I want to talk about the lineage. The argument I am making is not new. It is an expression of a tradition that has been building for at least five decades with roots in black women's writing and organizing going back much further. the compound has been taught about, named, and analyzed across continents by women for a long time. the April nineteen seventy-seven Combahee River Collective statement is the earliest rigorous articulation of what we now call intersectional analysis. The Combahee River Collective was a group of black lesbian feminists in Boston, including Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, and - Demita Frazier. Their statement named the interlocking systems of oppression and argued that the sentences of those oppressions create the conditions of black women's lives. That argument is the structural claim of this episode. Bell Hooks published Ain't I a Woman? Black Women and Feminism in 1981, taking her title from Sojourner's Truth 1851 speech at the women's convention in Akron, Ohio. and making the argument that black women have been erased from both white feminism and black liberation. Hortense Spillers in her 1987 essay, Mama's Baby, Papa's Maybe, Extended the analysis to the specific way slavery and its afterlives produced black womanhood as a category outside the protection of gender as the culture defined it. Hall, Bell Scott, and Smith edited All the Women Are Whites, All the Blacks Are Men, but Some of Us Are Brave in 1982, with the title carrying the entire argument. Lord wrote, There is no hierarchy in oppression in 1983, naming the interlocking nature of the work and refusing the luxury of fighting only on one front. Kimberle Crenshaw in 1989 coined the term intersectionality in an article in the University of Chicago's Legal Forum that demonstrated through US anti-discrimination law how black women were systematically erased by courts that asked them to choose between being discriminated against as a woman or as black people. Her 1991 piece in the Stanford Law Review extended the analysis. Patricia Hill Collins published Black Feminist Thoughts in 1990, naming the matrix of domination, the controlling images, and the outsider within. African black feminism has its own genealogy. Oyeronke Oyewomi's The Invention of Women in 1997 argued that Western gender as a body-based binary was imposed on Yoruba society by colonialism, and that the gender hierarchy operating in African societies now is part of a colonial inheritance. Ifi Amadiume's male daughters, female husbands, in 1987 documented evil social roles, including women who married women and women who held positions, the colonial binary erased. Amina Mama has spent decades documenting how the postcolonial African state administers its specific gender violence. Sueli Carniero coined an enegrecer o feminismo, to blacken feminism, arguing that the Brazilian women's movement had centered white women and erased black Brazilian women. And Leila Gonzalez made related arguments through the 1980s. Moya Bailey coined misogynoir in 2010 - This is the lineage. The compound has been named for at least fifty years on at least three continents. The argument here is the present tense iteration of a tradition the present tense has not caught up to. So what does the compound do? The compound is not just a statistical position. It is a set of mechanisms that operate every single day. The controlling images that Collins documented in 1990 remain operative. The Mammy is now the corporate black woman expected to absorb her white colleagues' anxieties and never raise her voice. The Jezebel is the cultural insistence that black women's sexuality is excessive and not entitled to consent. The sapphire is the angry black woman trope that converts any expression of disagreements into evidence of unprofessional aggression. The welfare queen was always a tool for dismantling the social safety net by racializing it. The strong black woman trope pretends to be a compliment. It tells black women that they can carry anything, which has the practical effect of telling everyone else that they do not have to help her carry it. Cheryl Wood Giscombe's research on what she calls the Superwoman schema, has linked the internalization of the script to delayed help seeking, untreated stress. And worse health outcomes. The compliment is the cage. The dual erasure that the 1982 anthology named is still operating. When black women raise gender based violence, they are told they are dividing the black community. When they raise racial discrimination, they are told that they are dividing the women's movement. Whichever movement they turn to expect them to drop the other half of their existence at the price of admission. I want to talk about some of the mechanisms of how it shakes out. First, the labor extraction without recognition mechanism. Black women across the diaspora do disproportionate amounts of political organizing, community caregiving, family stabilization, and emotional labor across racial and gender lines. African women contribute 13% to the continent's GDP and receive 2% of formal investments. Black American women vote at higher rates than any other US demographic group. Black South African women hold up household economies in the post apartheid period in ways national statistics on - undercounts The work flows one direction and the reward flows another. Another mechanism is the political mobilization paradox. Black women, particularly Black American women, are reliably the most engaged voting demographic in US progressive politics. In 2020, roughly 9 in 10 Black women voted for Joe Biden. In 2024, roughly 9 in 10 black women voted for Kamala Harris. A black woman who's lost some analysis attributed in part to misogynoir The very compound this episode describes. Black women have been called upon repeatedly to save American democracy in moments of national crisis. They have shown up. The democracy they show up for has not shown up for them. The maternal mortality rates do not improve. the pay gap do not close. The police violence against black women, including Breonna Taylor, killed in her own home in March 2020, does not produce structural reform. the mobilization of black women is reliable. The protection of black women is not. I also want to talk about the inheritance of compound trauma. The pattern of harms are reproduced across generations through structural mechanisms, through segregated neighborhoods, underfunded schools, inherited debt, And cultural mechanisms, the controlling image, the strong Black woman script, the silence around sexual violence inside the Black communities. The compound is not just what is happening to black women today. It is what was done to their grandmothers and to their great grandmothers and the women on the ship and the women in the cane field, the women in the township, the women in the favelas, the women whose granddaughters are listening to this. The line is continuous. Next, I want to talk about the adultification and the structural assault on black girlhood. The compound begins before black women are women. The structural assault begins before consent, before agency, before the language a girl has to name what is happening to her exists. In 2017, the Georgetown Law Center on Poverty and Inequality

published Girlhood Interrupted: 16:45

The Erasure of Black Girls' Childhood. the researchers, Rebecca Epstein, Jamila Blake, and Thalia Gonzalez surveyed adults in the United States about their perceptions of black girls and white girls of the same age. Adults perceived black girls as less innocent than white girls, beginning at the age of five. Adults believed black girls needed less nurturing, less protection, and less comforting than white girls, beginning at the age of five. Adults believed black girls were more knowledgeable about adult topics. including sex than white girls beginning at age five. The phenomenon is called adultification. A twenty nineteen follow up study confirmed that black women had experienced exactly this treatment in their own childhoods. So five mechanisms make up the structural assault on adultification. Number one, the perceptual mechanism. Black girls are seen as older than they are. A black 10-year-old is perceived as 13 or 14. A black 13-year-old is perceived as a young adult. The perception is the precondition for all the other mechanisms. Number two, the protective withdrawal mechanisms. Because black girls are seen as more adults, they are nurtured less, protected less, comforted less. When a black girl reports harm, she is believed less readily. When she needs emotional care, she is given less of it. Number three, the sexualization mechanism. Black girls' bodies are read as adults before they are. girl whose body develops at the same rate as a white girl is seen as more sexually mature and more sexually available. It is what produces the situation where a black girl is targeted for sexual harassment by adult men in her community, and the community calls her fast rather than calling the men predators. four, the criminalization mechanism. In US schools, according to federal civil rights data, black girls are suspended at more than five times the rate of white girls. The largest racial disparity for any group of any gender in the school discipline system. And they are referred to the juvenile justice system at nearly three times the rate of white girls. the school administrator who suspends a black eight year old girl for an outburst that would have produced a hug for a white eight year old girl is acting on the adultification belief. And number five, the absence mechanism. Black girls are systematically absent from the research, the policy, the advocacy, and the cultural representation that is supposed to protect girls. The category black girl has had to be built in advocacy and in research against both gendered and racialized defaults. The Say Her Name campaign that was launched in 2014 by Kimberley Crenshaw and the African American Policy Forum has had to do the work of making black women and girls killed by police visible because the broader Black Lives Matter discourse has centered black men's deaths. This mechanism operates across every case. The compound begins before black women are women. So, how does the compound look like in 2026? Let's look at five live sites. In the United States, black women earn, as I said, 66% per dollar paid to white men, and more than 300,000 black women have lost their jobs since the beginning of 2025. The federal workforce reduction of the second Trump administration disproportionately removed black women from the positions in the federal civil service where they were nearly twice as concentrated as in the labor force as a whole. And which has functioned for decades as one of the few sectors where black women could secure stable middle class employment with structural protection. The private sector treatment from racial equity hiring compounded the federal losses. The 400 year economic compound that began with the unpaid labor of enslaved black women and continued in different legal forms through every subsequent generation is what produced this year's numbers. In Brazil, on the evening of March 14, 2018, Rio de Janeiro's City Council woman, Marielle Franco, was shot and killed in her car along with her driver, Anderson Gomes Franco was 38, A black bisexual woman from the Marefavela complex who had built her entire political career documenting police violence in Rios Favelas and the militias that controlled large portion of the city. The investigation took six years to convict the two former police officers who pulled the trigger and two more years to convict the man who ordered her killing. on February 25, 2026, Brazil Supreme Court unanimously convicted former Congressman Chiquinho Brazao I probably said that correctly. incorrectly and his brother Domingo Brazao sentencing each to seventy-six years and three months. Justice Carmen Lucia, the only woman on the panel, asked publicly at the close of the trial, How many more Marrielles Brazil would allow to be murdered? The militias still operate. The land grabs Franco was opposing still happen. Black women in Brazilian politics still face political violence at scale. according to research compiled after the 2020 municipal elections, approximately eight in ten black women candidates experienced online violence. Six in ten experience moral and psychological violence, and five in ten experience institutional violence. The verdict matters, but the structure that produced the killings has not been dismantled. in South Africa, on November 20, 2025, at the G20 Social Summit in Johannesburg, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that the government will classify gender-based violence and femicide as a national disaster. And the formal classification under the Disaster Management Act took effect the following day. The same day, a nationwide women's shutdown brought the country to a standstill. South African police data documents an average of 15 women murdered every single day. The femicide rate is among the highest in the world. The women that are killed disproportionately are black African women. Uyinene Mrwetyana a 19-year-old University of Cape Town student, was raped and murdered at a post office in August 2019, and her killings produced six years of policy commitments that did not produce structural change. The declaration is not a solution. It does not invoke emergency powers. It is an admission after thirty years of refusing to make it, that the structure is producing a body count the states can no longer ignore. The compound is the apartheid residue, the post apartheid economy with more than thirty percent unemployment, the cultural impunity around violence against women and the failure of the state's response. Across the rest of Africa, the compound operates without the racial discourse architecture that organizes it in the diaspora and that shaped the South African case because the political and economic actors around African women in most countries are also black. African women run more than half the continent's small businesses. They produce more than half its food and carry almost all of its caregiving. Child marriage remains at 31% across Sub-Saharan Africa as of 2024. Down from 38% a decade earlier. Niger seats at 81%. At 78%, Mali at 69%, Nigeria at 64%, with 22 million child brides, the highest absolute number on the continent. We should be ashamed. Female genital cutting continues to affect an estimated 200 million women and girls globally, the overwhelming majority of them in African countries. The compound here is the post-colonial state compound of patriarchy, economic exclusion, and a development model that extracts women's labor and returns minimal protection. For black, queer, and trans women, the compound has an additional layer. The Trans Murder Monitoring report published by Transgender Europe in November 2025 Documented 281 trans and gender diverse people murdered worldwide between October 2024 and September 2025. 88% of the victims were black or brown. 90% were trans women or trans feminine people. Brazil led the global count for the 18th consecutive year. 14% of the murdered were activists or movement leaders, up from 9% in 2024 and 6% in 2023. The researchers explicitly noted that the apparent decrease from the previous year. Likely reflect reduced media coverage and underreporting rather than actual reduction in violence. I want to name something that this episode is obligated to name, which is the role of cisgender black women in the violence against black trans people. Across the diaspora, cisgendered black women have participated in the cultural production that marks black trans women as deceptive, as predatory, as not real women, as appropriating Black womanhood. The participation is not universal, it is also not rare. The compound black women carry does not exempt them from the analysis when they participate in producing other people's compounds. The black women's movement that does not include black trans women is not the black women's movement this episode is talking about. As usual, I anticipate some critiques, so let's get into them. The first, the oppression Olympics. the framing that black women are the most oppressed group in the world can be heard by someone, including some black feminist, as a competitive claim about suffering that forecloses solidarity. That is not my goal. Audrey Lorde for example, explicitly rejected the hierarchy of oppression in 1983. The argument this episode is making is about positionality, not about the ranking of pain. Black women sit at an intersection of racism, patriarchy, and anti-blackness that the dominant analyses of either race or gender systematically fail to see. And the failure produces compound harms that the dominant analysis cannot address. The second, the class and celebrity exception. Sure, Oprah Winfrey is a billionaire. Michelle Obama was first lady. Beyonce is the most awarded artist in Grammy history, and Kamala Harris was vice president. The structure can absorb individual exceptions without changing what it does to most black women most of the time. Class is a real axis of differentiation inside the compound. A billionaire black woman still experiences misogynoir but she experiences it inside a class position that buffers many of the structural harms. I am not going to pretend that this buffering is not real. and yet it does not mean the exceptions dilute the structural claim about the rule. the third the "but black men" critique naming black women's specific experience of compounded harm is sometimes received as divisive. The data on black men is real. Black American men are killed by police at nearly three times the rate of white men, And they are incarcerated at a rate far outside of proportion of their share of the population. The compound black women carry is structurally distinct from what black men carry. The two are not in competition. naming the compound makes black men's specific harms more visible, not less. Solidarity across gender within the black community require being able to name what each is carrying. The fourth is the intra-black critique. Cis Black women have participated in violence against black trans women, in colorism against darker skinned black women, in violence against black queer people, in the policing of black girls' bodies through respectability discourse. not a moral exemption. Black women are not exempt from being analyzed when they participate in producing harm. To other black women. There are no innocent parties at scale. The fifth is the agency critique. Black women are not just victims of compound oppression. They are intellectuals, organizers, leaders, mothers, builders. The Combahee River Collective was black women. Crenshaw is a black woman. Collins is a black woman. Oyewummi is a black woman. Marielle Franco was a black woman. Sueli Caniero is a black woman. The agency is not in tension with the structural diagnosis. The agency is what produced this structural diagnosis. So now I want to run this through my three clarities framework identity, context, and power. I have articulated every episode of this series. From inside the system I am naming, and this one is no different. I am a black woman. I have faced misogynoir including its violent forms, and my Nigerian upbringing, my education, my privilege, and my profession has not exempted me. but this section is not about me. I want to turn the diagnostic framework I use in all of my work, the three clarities, directly towards Black women. Because the system is not going to hand us any clarity. And clarity is the one thing the system most needs us not to have. So identity clarity. Who are you? When you strip away everything the system has told you that you are. You're not the mammy who exists to absorb everyone else's needs. You're not the Jezebel whose body is presumed available. You are not the sapphire whose every boundary is read as aggression. You are not the strong black woman who is permitted to carry everything and allowed to ask for nothing. You are not the angry black woman. You are not the welfare queen. You are not any of those controlling images, the systems built to manage you. Those images are not descriptions of you. They are instruments for administering you. Strip them away, all of them, and look at what is actually there. What is actually there is a person with capability. The system has spent centuries trying to make invisible. Standing at the end of a line of women who were never supposed to survive, and you survived anyway. This is an identity that many of us share, not what the system assigned to us. What you actually are and where you actually come from is from a history of giants. The system needs you to believe you are what it says you are. The first act of clarity is to refuse. Context clarity See the system for what it actually is. The maternal mortality rate is not your bad luck. The pay gap is not your failure to negotiate. The promotion that did not come is not because you did not show up every day at the office. The idea dismissed in the meeting and praised when a white colleague repeats it 10 minutes later. The moment you were mistaken for the assistance or the help in the room that you're leading, the harm you reported and were not believed about. None of it is personal. All of it is structural. The system is invested in reducing black women to dust. I am not using this language for effect. I am describing what the data in this episode shows the system does reliably across every geography in every generation. When you see that clearly, two things happen. You stopped spending your energy trying to fix yourself or a system that was never built to recognize you. And you stop waiting for the system to suddenly see you because a system constructed to not see you does not wake up one morning and go, hello, I see you. Clarity is protection. It is what makes you harder to manipulate, harder to gaslight, harder to mobilize against your own interest. See the system, name it. Do not let it convince you that what it does to you is something you did to yourself. Power clarity. Know what you can actually move and what you cannot. You cannot move the system on its own timeline. It will not be dismantled this year. It may not be dismantled in your lifetime. This is the hard truth, and I will not soften it because softening it is its own kind of lie. But what follows from it is not despair. If the system is not going to change in time to save you, then waiting for rates is not a strategy. Building is a strategy. Black women already know this. African women have the highest rate of entrepreneurship in the world. Not because the formal economy welcomed them, but precisely because it did not, and they built anyway. That is the model. Build your own damn table. build your own businesses, your own institutions, your own networks, your own wealth, your own communities of women who see each other clearly and hold each other up. Support black women where you can. Buy from black women where possible. Move forward even when you fight. Because the fighting and the building are not in competition. They are the same work. And do the work, knowing you may not reap the benefits of it. The way the women before you fought for a future they did not leave to enter. They built the tables you and I are sitting up now. You and I will build the table. Our daughters and the women not yet born will sit at. The work outlives the worker. That is not the tragedy. That is how every table any black woman has ever sat at got built. So in closing, I wanna reiterate the compounded harm that black women experience is multiplicative, not additive. It is administered through controlling images, through the dual erasure in discourse around gender and discourse around race, through extraction without recognition, through the mobilization paradox. And through trauma inherited across generations. It begins in the adultification of black girls and it operates in 2026 across every geography this chapter has examined and more. The lineage that named it goes back fifty years in three continents, built by the women whose tools I employ in this episode, whose tools I employ in my work. And it is one part of the larger system this series has been naming white terrorism, doing its most concentrated work at the point where racism and patriarchy and anti blackness meet on a single body. So see the system. Refuse what it says that you are and build anyway. this was episode five. if this episode named something you've been carrying, share it with a woman who needs to hear it or who needs the language. As usual, subscribe to Overnight Wisdom wherever you get your podcast. join the weekly clarity newsletter at chisomudeze.com where I bring the same structural analysis to leadership, power and systems every week. And if your organization is ready to interrogate its systems rather than decorate them, that is one of the work that I do. Let's chat. I'm Chisom Udeze and this is Overnight Wisdom. Thank you so much for being here.