Stop Calling It Supremacy — It’s Terrorism. Part 2: From Bodies to Borders.

 In Part 2 of a series, Chisom traces the long history of white terrorism in Africa as one continuous story rather than a list of incidents. Twelve and a half million Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic between 1501 and 1866. Roughly 1.8 million died during the Middle Passage itself. The trade built Europe. Then it ended, between 1807 in Britain and 1888 in Brazil, and Europe pivoted. From taking Africans, to taking Africa. 

From bodies, to borders. The Berlin Conference of November 1884, attended by fourteen Western powers and no Africans, formalized the rules for the territorial conquest of an entire continent in thirty-four years. Chisom walks through what Berlin produced: the Congo Free State and its eight to ten million dead, the Herero and Nama genocide and its direct documented institutional line to the Holocaust through the German anthropologist Eugen Fischer, British concentration camps in Mau Mau Kenya, the French settler colony of Algeria, and apartheid South Africa. 

She handles the predictable critiques head-on, including the African kingdoms that participated in the slave trade and the post-independence African leaders who looted their own people. She implicates everyone, including the African leaders who continue to betray their people, and the African educational systems that still teach versions of history shaped for colonial purposes. 

She closes with the receipts. The cobalt powering the device you are listening on. French uranium extracted from Niger. The British Museum still holding nine hundred looted Benin Bronzes. Climate displacement falling hardest on the continent that caused it least. Three principles for repair: restitution, sovereignty, truth. Africa is not a charity case. Africa is a creditor. 

Transcript

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12 and a half million Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic Ocean between 1501 and 1866. Roughly 1.8 million of them died during the Middle Passage itself, months at sea between the African coast and the Americas. Millions more died during the Capture and the March to the slave forts on the coasts. Those who survived arrived as property. This system, the Atlantic slave trade, ran profitably for almost 400 years. then it ended. Britain abolished trade in 1807, the United States in 1808. Britain ended slavery in its colonies in 1834, the United States in 1865, Brazil, the last in the Western Hemisphere, abolished slavery in 1888. And then something happened that does not get taught with the weight that it deserves. The same European nations that had built 400 years of wealth on shipping African bodies across the Atlantic did not pause to repent or repair. They pivoted from taking Africans to take in Africa, from bodies to borders. That pivot is the subject of today's episode. I am Chisom and this is Overnight - - Wisdom Part one of this series argued that we should stop calling the system white supremacy and start calling it white terrorism, which is what I will call it in this episode. And it is essentially the systemic use of violence to control populations through fear. Today in part two, I want to talk about what that system did when it pivoted from one form of extraction to another on the continent that I was born on. I'm going to segment this episode by looking at the path. So basically the 400 years before Berlin. Then I want to look at the room in Berlin in November, 1884 and what Berlin produced. I also want to look at the systems that survived independence and also where we are in 2026 and what is owed So let's jump in. So first I wanna talk about the 400 years before Berlin. The Atlantic slave trade was the largest forced migration in human history. The numbers I gave at the beginning, 12 and half million transported, 1.8 million dead at sea, come from the transatlantic slave trade database. Basically, the most rigorous accounting we have that has been built over decades by historians, including David Eltis and David Richardson. The database documents more than 36,000 individual slaving voyages. The peak of the trade was the 18th century when about 6 million Africans were transported in a single hundred years. The British alone carried about two and a half million during that century The Portuguese, the Spanish, the French, the Dutch, the Danish, and American merchants carried the rest. So what was the trade actually doing? It was building Europe. the wealth that funded the industrial revelations, the wealth that built Liverpool, Bristol, Nantes, Bordeaux, Lisbon, Amsterdam, the wealth that capitalized the great banking houses of London, the wealth that gave Europe the surplus capital it would later use to colonize the rest of the world came in significant parts. from African bodies worked to death on plantations in the Americas. This is not a polemical claim or my trying to state something controversial. This is economic history. Eric Williams documented it in 1944. Walter Rodney extended it in 1972. Every serious economic historian since has accepted a version of it. Before I go further, I want to hold something. The 12 and a half million Africans I just named were not data. They were people. Mothers separated from their children. Languages lost, names erased, families broken across an ocean across four centuries. the descendants of those who survived built nations they were not allowed to belong to, particularly in the Americas and are still in 2026 carrying the costs. Jim Crow, mass incarceration, police violence, wealth gaps that compound by generation. That story is its own story. I am not Black American, I am Nigerian. I am not certain it is my story to tell. And I do not want to be careless with it. I may engage it in a future episode with the time and the care it deserves and not before. In this episode, I am tracing the system. I want the system to be visible. I do not want the people to disappear inside it. Now before I go further, I need to name what I anticipate will be used against this argument. There are four predictable critiques. I think two of them, I'm good faith. I think the other two, in bad faith. And I want to handle all four upfront. So this doesn't get ambushed in the middle. The first critique that I anticipate is that Africa is not one thing And I wholeheartedly agree with this. Africa is made up of 54 countries, more than 2,000 languages, multiple regions, distinct cultures, distinct histories. To talk about Africa as if it's where a single subject is in and of itself, colonial construct and colonial habits. And I know this all too well. The reason I am doing it in this episode is that the system I am describing treated the continent as a single subject. The slave trade treated Africa as one source of bodies. The Berlin conference treated Africa as one map to be divided. Capitalism treats Africa as one source of minerals. The unity I am invoking is not African unity, which is real and incredibly complicated. Rather, it is the unity that white terrorism imposed on the continent and continues to impose. The second critique I anticipate, which I think is in good faith, is that Africans participated. Some pre-colonial African kingdoms practiced slavery. This is true. some including the kingdom of Dahomey, the Asante empire, the Oyo empire, they profited substantially from transatlantic slave trade by capturing and selling people from neighboring African nations. and Indian ocean sleeve trades organized largely by Arab traders, transported additional millions of Africans for centuries before, during, and after the Atlantic slave trade. After independence, some African leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, uh Jean Bedel Bokassa in CAR the Central African Republic, Omar al-Bashir in Sudan, looted their own country with extraordinary cruelty. None of this is excused. None of this is hidden. The argument is more specific than Africans were innocent. They weren't. My point is that European colonization combined racial ideology, industrial scale, religious legitimation, and global capitalism into a single system in a way that no other imperial system had. That is what I am naming today. Local complicity does not dilute this argument and this argument also does not dilute local complicity. It is part of what the system was designed to produce and part of what continues to operate today. Coloniality is a relationship and relationships need both sides to maintain them. They need both sides to function. The third critique, which is made in bad faith, is that this is just complaining or that this is about hating white people. That if I really cared about a better world, I would just stop talking about race and history. So I just want to name it clearly. I do not hate white people. White people alive today did not personally enslave anyone. They did not personally draw the Berlin lines. They did not personally run the Congo Free States. Some are beneficiaries of a system their ancestors built, as am I, in many ways. I am a citizen of a country that was present in that room in Berlin. I live inside wealth, the system created. I am not standing outside the system pointing fingers. I am inside it, naming it. This work is not about hating anyone. It's about naming a system clearly enough that we can dismantle it together. This is the only way I know how to do this. The fourth critique, also in bad faith, is this is the past, get over it. The rest of this episode is part of that answer. So back to the trade. why did it end? It ended for two reasons. The first was African and African diaspora resistance, including the Haitian Revolution of 1719 to 1804, which terrified the slave holding by showing what enslaved people could do when armed and organized. The second was a moral and political shift in Britain, propelled in significant part by formerly enslaved Africans like Olaudah Equiano whose own narrative of slavery and freedom shaped public opinion. The trade was abolished. Slavery itself was abolished. By 1888, in the Western Hemisphere, Slavery on paper was over. but Europe did not stop wanting Africa. It just changed what he wanted from Africa. when the trade in bodies became politically untenable, the trade in territories took its place. The same banks that had financed the slave ships, financed the colonial trading companies, the same merchant families, the same ports, the same parliaments, when you can no longer ship the bodies, you take the land they come from. This is the pivot which everything in 2026, still flows. So now let's talk about the room and the Berlin conference. In November, 1884, 14 Western powers gathered around a table in Berlin, 13 European nations and the United States. A map of Africa hung on the wall behind them. None of them was African. None of them had asked any African anything. Over the next three months, between Bismarck's opening session on November 15th and the closing session on February 26th 1885. They drew the borders of what is now 54 countries. the 14 powers were the German Empire, which hosted, then Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden and Norway when it was a single union, the Ottoman Empire, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Belgium attended in the name of Leopold II, privately held International Association of the Congo, an organization that would, within months, become Leopold's personal slave state. The United States sent representatives but did not ratify the final general act. The signatures of the rest established the rules. The principle they agreed on was called effective occupation. To claim a part of Africa, European power had to demonstrate it could hold the territory militarily. Whoever could occupy owned. The conference did not divide Africa among its participants directly. It just set the rules for the race that followed. The race was now called the Scramble for Africa. In 1880, less than 10 % of the continent was under direct European control. By 1914, more than 90 % was. That figure is from Thomas Pekingham's The Scramble for Africa. So basically, in 34 years, a continent was carved into colonies. I am Nigerian because of a decision that flowed from that conference. My country was assembled in 1914 by a British colonial administrator named Frederick Lugard, who fused the Northern and Southern protectorates into one country for administrative convenience. He did not consult our great grandparents. He did not consult the more than 250 ethnic groups now confined inside the borders he drew. The Biafran War, which killed between one and three million people in the late 1960s was in significant part the long-term consequences of that fusion. Almost every African listening to this episode is a citizen of a country invented by Europeans in rooms Africans were not allowed to enter. Ethiopia successfully kept the Europeans out of Adwa in 1896, II's army defeated Italy. and made Ethiopia the only African nation that successfully resisted European colonization for any sustained period. Liberia is its own complicated case. was founded by Black Americans from 1822 onwards on land taken from the indigenous Africans who inhabited the land. The rule and its exceptions are both worth naming. So what was Berlin? Berlin was essentially bureaucratic terrorism. The men in that room did not personally pull triggers or burn down villages. They just wrote the rules. They drew the lines. They set the legal architecture inside which other Europeans over the next century and half would carry out actual killings, actual atrocities. The borders the 14, powers drew in that room are the borders that countries in Africa still have. So what did Berlin produce? The first place that the new logic was tested at scale was the Congo. The Congo Free States existed from 1885 to 1908. Leopold II of Belgium owned it. Not Belgium, the country, Leopold the man. He had convinced the Berlin Conference that he wanted to bring civilization, science, and humanitarian progress to Central Africa. What he actually wanted was rubber. The Congo had it. The world economy had just begun to demand it for tires. Leopard had a continent-sized rubber plantation he could run any way that he liked. He ran it through quotas. Each Congolese village had to deliver a fixed amount of rubber to colonial agents. Failure to deliver was punished by mutilation. proof of work when an agent shot someone for failing to make a quota was a severed hand. Hands were collected, smoked to preserve them, and counted. Children's hands, men's hands, women's hands, boxes of them. the death toll has been estimated at between eight to 10 million Congolese over 23 years. contested precisely because no one in Leopold's administration was counting Africans. is the standard English language history. One of the first international human rights campaign of the modern era organized through mass media and photographic evidence was created in response to what was happening in the Congo. It was led by Roger Casement of the British Foreign Affairs whose 1904 report documented the atrocities in great detail and also E. D. Morell who founded the Congo Reform Association. The campaign succeeded in stripping Leopold of personal ownership in 1908. The Congo became a Belgian state colony and the death toll did not stop. In 2020, the Belgian King Philippe sent a letter to the Congolese president expressing regrets for the colonial period. In 2022, he visited Kinshasa - and called the system unjustifiable. Like the Vatican repudiation that I talked about in part one, this is acknowledgement without restitutions because the wealth stays in Brussels. we also have to acknowledge that the cobalt that powers the device you are listening to me on right now and the device that I am recording this on right now is likely mined in that same Congo in 2026, in 2025, in 2024, in 2023, and the years before by children for the same European and American companies that have been extracting from that land for 140 years. years. The Congo was a test case. The patterns that worked there spread. German Southwest Africa, known today as Namibia, - Lothar von Trotha issued an extermination order in 1904 against the Herero people who had risen up against colonial rule. The Nama people who rose up the following year were also subjected to the same. Survivors were driven into the Omaheke deserts. Wells were poisoned or guarded. Concentration camps were established. Between 60 and 100,000 Herero and Nama died, including an estimated 80 % of the entire Herero population. This is widely recognized as the first genocide of the 20th century. What makes the Herero genocide central to the larger story is what came after it inside Germany. a German anthropologist named Eugen Fischer conducted research on Herero corpses and prisoners during the genocide. The skulls and bones he and his colleagues collected were shipped for craniometric studies. Fischer published his foundational eugenics work in 1913. Adolf Hitler read Fischer's work in prison and cited his ideas in Mein Kampf. In 1927, Fischer became director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Hereditary and Eugenics in Berlin. the Institute whose work directly informed the Nuremberg laws of 1935. Fisher's successor at that Institute trained Joseph Mengele, who later sent specimens from Auschwitz back to the Institute for analysis. The skulls Fisher had taken from Namibia were not returned to Namibia until 2014. The line from Herroro genocide to the Holocaust is not metaphor, it is institutional. It is one man, the institutes he built and the legislation he helped shape. In 2021, more than a century after the genocide, a genocide and pledged 1.1 billion euros in development aid over 30 years. The Herrero and the Nama leadership rejected the settlement as inadequate. and not formally constituted as reparations. The wealth Germany built on their dead has not been returned. In British Kenya, between 1952 and 1960, the British colonial administration ran concentration camps. They used systematic torture and they committed widespread sexual violence against Kenyans who were suspected of supporting the Mau Mau independence movements. The Kenyan Human Rights Commission and the historian Caroline Elkins, Imperial Reckoning Won a Pulitzer Prize, that 90,000 Kenyans were killed, tortured, or maimed with another one and a half million forced into camps and fortified villages. denied this abuses for decades in 2013 after researchers forced the release of suppressed colonial era documents. Britain paid 19.9 million pounds total to 5,228 surviving claimants. I'm a numbers girl, I love math. So let's work that out. That works out to be under 3000 pounds per claimant, per person, That was the price in 21st century pound of a body that Britain had broken in the 1950s. In French Algeria, between 1980 and 1962, settler colonialism was tested as a model. Land was taken from Algerians and given to French settlers. The legal system was two tired. So French citizens with full rights Algerian Muslims as colonized subjects without them. The Algerian War of Independence between 1954 and 1962 killed between 300,000 and one and a half million Algerians depending on the source. Torture was systemic and documented in the work of Frantz Fanon. In South Africa, the Land Act of 1913 assigned 87 % of the land to white settlers who were less than a quarter of the population. Apartheid was formalized in 1948, but the structure was older and had been built by both Britain and the Dutch. Apartheid formally ended in 1994. As of 2017, Black South Africans still own less than 4 % of private rural land. And that audit has not been finalized for 2026, at least at the time of my research. So basically, economic apartheid continues. so essentially five different European powers, five different methods, one system. Berlin had drawn the lines, the methods filled in the lines. Now let's talk about what independence did not end. Most African countries became formerly independent between 1957 and 1980. Ghana was the first in 1957. Then there was a wave through the 1960. Zimbabwe in 1980 was among the last. So in essence, independence ended direct colonial administration. What it did not do was end the architecture the colonizers had built. The borders stayed, the currencies stayed. 14 African countries still use the CFA franc as of 2026, eight in West Africa and six in Central Africa. Basically, the 2019 reform ended the requirement that member states deposit half their foreign reserves with the French treasury. But France remains the guarantor of the euro peg. And the replacement currency, which has been proposed, which is the eco, has been postponed to 2027. The economist Ndongo Samba Sylla and Fanny Pigeaud their book Africa's Last Colonial Currency have made a rigorous case for what the current arrangement is. 60 years after independence, 14 countries are still operating their currency through their former colonizers. The debt also stayed. Most African countries are deep in sovereign debt to the IMF, to the World Bank, and to Western private creditors. The structural adjustment programs imposed on African economies from the 1960 onwards dismantled public services, opened markets to Western corporations, and locked African economies into a permanent state of extraction relationship. debt service today eats budgets that should pay for hospitals and schools. Walter Rodney made this argument in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa in 1972. 54 years later, the analysis has still not been improved upon because the structure has not changed. The corporations also have stayed. Shell in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Orano in Niger uranium. Glencore in the Copper Belt. And Total in Mozambique. The military bases also stayed until recently. Between 2020 and 2025, France was forced out of Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad. Cote d'Ivoire, and Senegal. France in Africa has been reduced to roughly 1,500 troops in Djibouti and 350 in shared bases in you know what the Western press calls it? Democratic backsliding. You know what the African press calls it? An end of a 60 year occupation. White terrorism does not require white soldiers. It requires the architecture white terrorism built. The architecture remains. So what does the bill look like in 2026? The Democratic Republic of Congo is the source of more than 70 % of the world's colbalt and a substantial share of the world's coltan- both essential to the batteries and chips. that power Western consumer electronics. A really good book to read is Cobalt Red, How the Blood of the Congo Powers Our Lives by Siddharth Kara. To this point, Amnesty International first documented child labour in the cobalt supply chain in 2016 and has tracked it since. The conflict in Eastern Congo has killed an estimated six million people since the late 1990s, according to morality studies by the International Rescue Committee, the deadliest war on earth since the Second World War, and almost entirely uncovered in Western media. most smartphones in this conversation has a piece of the Congo in it. In Niger, France's state-occupied company, Orano, has been one of the principal uranium miners since the 1970s. generates roughly 70 of its electricity from nuclear power and between 15 and 30 % of France's uranium has come from Niger. over the past 50 years, depending on the year. In 2023, Niger military government threw France out And the contracts are now being renegotiated. The lights in Paris are still on and the poverty in Naimey is still extreme. as I said in part one in April 2025 on the 200th anniversary of France's independence debt extraction from Haiti, President Emmanuel Macron acknowledged the injustice and stopped short of reparation. He has been silent on France's African debts, the Algerian war, the CFA franc, uranium. Every French president before him has been silent in the same way. Now let's talk about the Benin bronzes that were looted by British forces from the Kingdom of Benin in 1897. An estimated 3,000 to 5,000 artifacts were taken in that single raid and dispersed across more than 130 museums in 20 countries. Germany formally transferred ownership of more than 1,100 pieces to Nigeria in 2020 has begun physical returns. The Netherlands returned 119 pieces in 2025. Smaller returns have come from the Smithsonian, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, And the Metropolitan Museum of Art. the British Museum which holds roughly 900 Benin bronzes, the largest single collection in the world, continues to refuse to return any of them, citing the British Museum Act of 1963. And I have to speak about the climate. Climate change is the current chapter of white terrorism, measured by cumulative historic emissions, by who industrialized first and who profited longest, and by who is still being displaced and dying now. The continent that contributed the smallest share of historic carbon emissions is bearing the largest share of the displacements. food insecurity and there's death. African climate migration is criminalized at European borders. The wealth that funded European industrialization was extracted from Africa. The that industrialization is now displacing Africans. The bill for the original theft is still being paid in heat. in drought and in drowning. This is not the past. so let's talk about what is owed And I want to kind of frame this around three principles. I think first is restitution. Give it back. All of it. The Benin bronzes that the British Museum is hoarding. The wealth Germany built on the Herrero. The wealth Belgium built on the Congo. The wealth France extracted through the CFA franc and the Nigerian uranium. The wealth the United Kingdom built on Mau Mau Kenya and Nigerian oil. The cultural artifacts, the land, the compounded value of 400 years of slave labor. None of this is charity. It is restitution for theft and The arithmetic of what is owed is not a moral question. it is an accounting question that has not been done because the people who owe the bill have refused to do it because they don't want to pay it. so next is sovereignty. The occupation needs to stop. There needs to be an end to the CFA franc in any form. There needs to be an end to the residual French and American and British military presence on the continent. We need to find mechanisms to hold corporations criminally accountable for ongoing extraction in courts that can deliver actual judgments rather than symbolic settlements. and sovereignty has to be earned and exercised by Africans, not just demanded from Europeans. European powers occupied because they had willing counterparts. They still do. Many African leaders are corrupt and short-sighted. They make decisions every day that betray their own people. The looting of national treasuries, vanity projects, the suppression of women, the abandonment of the young, the silencing of dissent, the fact that a lot of countries still struggle with basic necessities from education to health care. I cannot in good conscience just blame the colonizers and the occupiers. My own country has its share of responsibilities. The leaders that lead a lot of African countries have their share of responsibilities. The occupiers had collaborators then, the occupier has collaborators now. If we want sovereignty, we need leaders with vision, leaders with spine. We need women in leadership at scale. Centuries of mostly men running African states is not getting us anywhere. African control of African territory mean African leaders worth giving control. soon. And a third thing is we need the truth. We need to teach what happened, not as supplementary curriculum, not as Black History Month, not as African Studies elective. We need to teach it in European primary schools, in US primary schools, in primary schools across the Americas, in the schools of every nation that was complicit across Europe. the world and also in African primary schools too. There's an African proverb that goes, until the lion tells the story, the hunter will always be the hero. African children deserve to know their own history. need to know of the kingdoms that existed before the colonizers arrived. The resistance movements that fought them. The genocides that were committed against them. The names of those who collaborated, including the Africans. African educational systems still teach versions of history shaped by colonial purposes. That is its own form of disempowerment. Teach what happened in every school with the moral weight given to the Holocaust. The Holocaust and the colonial archives are connected. Eugen Fischer is one of the connections. The disconnection in our schools, in all of our schools, is a curriculum choice, not a historical fact. These are not small asks. They are also not unreasonable. They are what the systems finally diagnosed accurately and named accurately requires for repair. So. a personal note before I close. I do this work because this is how my brain processes information. I need to understand history, why, the how, the where, the when. When we understand the system, we are harder to manipulate. We are harder to trigger. We are harder to distract. And we are harder to mobilize against our own interests. When we understand history, can engage strategically. can speak from clarity rather than from reaction. The system depends on us not understanding it. Clarity is how we stop being its instruments. And when I say us, I mean all of us across races, across genders, across language, who wants to see a better world for all of us In my work, I generally try to implicate everyone who participated and benefited That includes the European powers who built the system. the American institutions that inherited it, the African leaders who collaborate with it, the Asian and Gulf corporations now extracting from it. The consumers, including me, who buy very few innocent parties at scale. There are only beneficiaries and victims and people who do both. This is my diagnostic position. This is the only honest place I can speak from. These conversations are uncomfortable. know, I know. But I am not interested in comfort I am interested in clarity. And I believe genuinely that we can build a better world for our grandchildren and our great grandchildren. African child, the European child, the North American child, the South American child, the Asian child, the Australian child. chance to change it. The ones who don't, well, they do not. And they could also end up reproducing it. I hope this series contributes to that work. So in closing, wanna say that Africa is not a charity case, Africa is a creditor. In 1501, the first ship loaded with enslaved Africans crossed the Atlantic. In 1888, the last country in the Western Hemisphere abolished slavery. In 1884, between those two dates, Europe gathered in Berlin to figure out how to keep extracting from Africa once it could no longer ship bodies. So essentially they moved from bodies to borders. The wealth that built Europe was extracted from Africa across both phases. The bill is still being paid by Africans. It is owed to Africans. We cannot dismantle what we will not name. Berlin was the founding moment of white terrorism's more than bureaucratic phase in Africa. The methods it developed and enabled were tested on Africans and then exported to the rest of the world and used with great violence. The methods it enabled has still been used. Every smartphone, every electric vehicle, every nuclear power light bulb in Paris, every kilo of cocoa shipped from West Africa to a Swiss chocolate factory. runs on the infrastructure that was laid down in that room in 1884 on top of foundations laid in slave forts three centuries earlier. So let's call it what it is, white terrorism. And let's make sure history pays its bills. This was part two of a series. Future episodes will continue to go deeper, looking at themes around the doctrine of discovery and how it shows up in present day law. We'll look at settler colonialism. We'll look at reparations as a serious economic question. And of course, that is the one no one likes to engage because if I am honest, I'm not even sure that countries are willing to start having that conversation. We're also going to look at religion and how religion was weaponized in conquest many other connecting topics that arise. if this episode challenged you, if it made you reconsider what you were taught about colonialism or about Africa or about the country that you live in, share it with somebody who needs to hear it. For many of us, is important that we remember that the wealth we enjoy and the language that we speak and the borders that we live inside were built in a room that excluded the people the room was about. Subscribe to Overnight Wisdom wherever you get your podcasts. Join my newsletter. It's called The Weekly Clarity at chisomudeze.com where as usual I bring the same structural analysis to themes on leadership, power and systems every week. Until next week, I'm Chisom. And this is Overnight Wisdom. Thank you for being here.